Embraced by activists in the early s to advocate for gender-variant people, the category quickly gained momentum in public health, social service, scholarly, and legislative contexts. Working as a safer-sex activist in Manhattan during the late s, David Valentine conducted ethnographic research among mostly male-to-female transgender-identified people at drag balls, support groups, cross-dresser organizations, clinics, bars, and clubs. Valentine analyzes the reasons for and potential consequences of this difference, and how social theory is implicated in it. This distinction and the identity categories based on it erase the experiences of some gender-variant people—particularly poor persons of color—who conceive of gender and sexuality in other terms. While recognizing the important advances transgender has facilitated, Valentine argues that a broad vision of social justice must include, simultaneously, an attentiveness to the politics of language and a recognition of how social theoretical models and broader political economies are embedded in the day-to-day politics of identity. David Valentine is Assistant Professor of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota. Since no one had ever seen the diversity of the lesbian, gay, and bi populations, most people Fotolia Gay Porn Stars that being gay meant being transgendered. We thought so, too. Simultaneously, ze and Devor and Matte imply that transgender people have, for a long time, been misrecognized-or misclaimed-as homosexual. The reclamation of "transgender warriors," and their distinction from homosexuals, is a central feature of contemporary transgender activism and history making, but by creating a distinct transgender history, transgender-identified writers are not acting without precedent. From the s on, gay and lesbian writers and scholars have made similar kinds of claims about those they perceived to be their ancestors and who were misrecognized as heterosexual e. Another approach to history, however, problematizes these kinds of simple reclamations Altman [], Foucault [], D'Emilio b,HalperinWeeks Most famously, Foucault has argued that "homosexuality" was not even a category of personhood until the mid-nineteenth century. From this viewpoint, to imagine historical subjects as "gay," "lesbian," or as "transgender" ignores the radically different understandings of self and the contexts that underpinned the practices and lives of historical subjects. How then is Feinberg able not only to claim specifically transgender warriors from antiquity to the present day but also to distinguish them from distinctly homosexual forebears? And how are Devor and Matte able to posit a misrecognized historical distinction between homosexual and transgender subjectivities? These questions are particularly important in the light of opposing claims of who fits in what category but also because of the apparent merging of these categories in the common contemporary acronym LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender. In this chapter, I approach history from a social constructionist perspective, but not simply to contest the reclamation of historical figures as homosexual or transgender. Rather, I aim to examine the Fotolia Gay Porn Stars of "transgender" and "homosexuality" as categoriesthe history of their relationship, and the theoretical and political implications of seeing them as discrete throughout history. Following Foucault, I take a genealogical approach, one which examines the meanings, values, and investments of naming and labeling. Like Foucault, I am interested in how these categories do not simply describe discrete histories but rather are productive of the very phenomena they seem to describe. Put another way in James Ferguson's Foucauldian termsrather than simply asking "'What does this concept mean ; what does it really refer to? If, as I noted in the introduction, Fotolia Gay Porn Stars as a category itself only emerged in a collective, institutionalized way in the early s, what histories, politics, and practices have enabled this kind of historical claim? Moreover, if "homosexuality" is also a relatively new concept, and if it has been used to describe transgender forebears, how do we account for what Feinberg and Devor and Matte see as this conflation? In short, how is it possible to extract certain actors from the categorical embrace of "homosexuality" and into "transgender"? What has this historical reorganization done? A crucial corollary to these questions is: how else could those people described as transgender or homosexual at different historical periods be described? By this I mean, what other forms of social identification-racial, class, national-cross-cut these sexual and gendered categories of being and knowing, and how might those identifications disrupt the easy assertion of homosexual or transgender identification? These latter questions are engaged in the analysis below, but I take them on most fully in chapters 2, 3, and 4. Underpinning the historical reclamation of certain homosexual forebears as transgender is a distinction between two other categories: gender and sexuality. To invoke Foucault again, how might the claim that gender and sexuality are distinct be productive of that distinction rather than simply a description of the way things are? Such a question is vital to ask if we are to make sense of contemporary, historical, and cross-cultural evidence of what we call gender and sexual variance, and the racial and class dynamics that underpin it. I am working here with an assumption that is central to anthropology: that language shapes how we make sense of our worlds Whorf []. In this view, Entdecke weitere Bücher des Autors, sehe ähnliche Autoren, lese Buchempfehlungen und vieles mehr. Um die Gesamtbewertung der Sterne und die prozentuale Aufschlüsselung nach Sternen zu berechnen, verwenden wir keinen einfachen Durchschnitt. Stattdessen berücksichtigt unser System beispielsweise, wie aktuell eine Bewertung ist und ob der Prüfer den Artikel bei Amazon gekauft hat. Es wurden auch Bewertungen analysiert, um die Vertrauenswürdigkeit zu überprüfen. 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